Fleshing out the deep politics underlying the life and death of Park Won-soon, this program builds on the foundation of first two programs in the series. Park Won-soon’s criticism of Japan’s colonial occupation of Korea, his advocacy of reconciliation between the two Koreas and his suit against the leadership of the fascist Shincheonji mind control cult (overlapped with the Unification Church), all bear on the political and economic dynamics of the Second World War, the Cold War, the Korean War, and the cartel arrangements that constitute a critical, though largely invisible, underpinning of the events of the Twentieth and Twenty-First centuries.
Essential to an understanding of these overlapping events is the landmark text Gold Warriors by Peggy and Sterling Seagrave. (FTR #’s 427, 428, 446, 451, 501, 688, 689, 1106, 1107 & 1108 deal with the subject material of that consummately important book.)
Indeed, one cannot properly analyze the partition of Korea after World War II, the Korean War and the Cold War as separate events. They are interconnected and, in turn, are outgrowths of the complex politics of the Second World War and the actions and attitudes of Chiang Kai-shek’s narco-fascist dictatorship.
Although nominally a member of the Allied nations, Chiang’s Kuomintang government was primarily concerned with fending off Mao Tse-Tung’s communist armies and worked with the invading Japanese in critical areas. In particular, the Kuomintang’s profound involvement with the narcotics trade helped drive its trading with the Japanese.
The program begins with the obituary of general Paik Sun-yup of Korea, whose service in the Imperial Japanese Army during World War II has been a focal point of controversy in South Korea. General Sun-yup embodied the ongoing controversy in Korea over Japan’s occupation and the subsequent unfolding of events leading up to, and including the Korean War.
Again, the Japanese occupation of Korea was a major focal point of Park Won-soon’s criticism. “. . . . In 1941, he joined the army of Manchukuo, a puppet state that imperial Japan had established in Manchuria, and served in a unit known for hunting down Korean guerrillas fighting for independence . . .”
A little known factor in the development of the Korean partition and Cold War politics in Asia was the involvement of Chiang Kai-shek, his wife (the former Mei-Ling Soong, daughter of Chiang’s finance minister T.V. Soong–the wealthiest man in the world at the time) and advisers in the Cairo Conference of 1943 and the subsequent Tehran Conference with Stalin and Churchill.
According to Colonel L. Fletcher Prouty, who flew the Kuomintang interests to Tehran from Cairo, Chiang and company were a driving force in setting the stage for war in Korea and Indochina.
While in Okinawa during Japan’s surrender in World War II, Colonel Prouty was witness to the early commitment of decisive military resources to the wars that were to take place in Korea and Indochina/Vietnam. ” . . . . I was on Okinawa at that time, and during some business in the harbor area I asked the harbormaster if all that new material was being returned to the States. His response was direct and surprising: ‘Hell, no! They ain’t never goin’ to see it again. One-half of this stuff, enough to equip and supply at least a hundred and fifty thousand men, is going to Korea, and the other half is going to Indochina.’ In 1945, none of us had any idea that the first battles of the Cold War were going to be fought by U.S. military units in those two regions beginning in 1950 and 1965–yet that is precisely what had been planned, and it is precisely what happened. Who made that decision back in 1943-45? . . . .”
To appreciate Chiang’s influence in the Cairo and Tehran conferences, it is important to understand that he was “working both sides of the street” in World War II.
American military supplies flown over the Hump and/or sent along the Burma Road at great risk and cost to Allied servicemen found their way into the hands of the Japanese, courtesy of KMT general Ku Chu-tung and his organized crime brother.
General Ku Chu-Tung commanded a devastating operation against the Chinese Communist New Fourth Army, illustrating why the Seagraves called him “one of the most hated men in China.”
Although obscured by the sands of time and propagandized history, Ku-Chu Tung’s actions illustrate why General Joseph Stilwell held Chiang Kai-Shek in contempt. Stillwell not only (correctly) viewed Chiang Kai-Shek as a fascist, but (correctly) saw him as an impediment to optimizing Chinese resistance to the hated Japanese invaders.
Collaborating with Kodama Yoshio, the Japanese crime boss and Admiral of the Imperial Japanese Navy, the Ku brothers swapped U.S. lend lease supplies for drugs.
It is important to note the role of the Black Dragon Society in the ascent of Kodama Yoshio. Black Dragon, along with Black Ocean, are key Japanese ultra-nationalist societies and the apparent forerunners of the Unification Church and, possibly the overlapping Shincheonji cult that was sued by Park Won-soon.
Kodama played a key role in the Unification Church, as discussed in FTR #’s 291 and 970.
Acquiring key strategic raw materials for the Imperial Japanese Naval Air Force, Kodama bought many of these directly from the chief of Kuomintang secret service, General Tai Li, who was paid directly in heroin.
Before turning to the subject of the Korean War and its decisive influence on the disposition of global wealth and the resuscitation of the global cartel system, we recount the assassination of Kim Koo, an important Korean patriot, whose advocacy of reunification for Korea placed him in the crosshairs of American Cold War strategists. (Park Won-soon was called a “commie” for advocating reconciliation between the Koreas.) ” . . . . In June 1949, General Kim Chang-Yong, Rhee’s close advisor and Chief of Korea’s Counter-Intelligence Corps (CIC)—founded by and patterned after the CIA—conspired with American intelligence officers and a young lieutenant to assassinate Kim Koo. On June 26, 1949, while the seventy-three-year-old Kim was resting in his second-floor bedroom, Lieutenant Ahn Do hi walked past three policemen standing guard outside, entered the house, proceeded to Kim’s bedroom, and shot him to death. . . .”
On the eve of the outbreak of the Korean War, John Foster Dulles was in Seoul with Kodama Yoshio. It is not known just what they were doing, but Foster directly foreshadowed the impending (and allegedly unanticipated) North Korean invasion in a speech just before the commencement of hostilities.
Kodama recruited thousands of yakuza soldiers and Japanese World War II veterans to fight for South Korea, dressed in Korean uniforms.
Next, we highlight the 1951 “Peace” Treaty between the Allies and Japan, an agreement which falsely maintained that Japan had not stolen any wealth from the nations it occupied during World War II and that the (already) booming nation was bankrupt and would not be able to pay reparations to the slave laborers and “comfort women” it had pressed into service during the conflict.
Japan was not bankrupt at all when John Foster Dulles negotiated the Treaty. U.S. bombing left critical infrastructure intact, and the infusion of war loot helped boost the 1951 Japanese economy above its pre-World War II peak.
Foster Dulles’s role in the 1951 Peace Treaty with Japan, his curious presence in Seoul with Kodama Yoshio on the eve of the outbreak of the Korean War, his prescient foreshadowing of the conflict just before the North Korean invasion and the role of these events in shaping the post World War II global economic and political landscapes may well have been designed to help jumpstart the Japanese and German economies.
The Korean War did just that. ” . . . . A substantial infusion of money into this new Federal Republic economy resulted from the Korean War in 1950. The United States was not geared to supplying all its needs for armies in Korea, so the Pentagon placed huge orders in West Germany and in Japan; from that point on, both nations winged into an era of booming good times. . . .”
Indeed, John Foster Dulles’s world view enunciated a philosophy altogether consistent with those aims: ” . . . . He churned out magazine and newspaper articles asserting that the ‘dynamic’ countries of the world–Germany, Italy, and Japan–‘feel within themselves potentialities which are suppressed’ . . .”
Those economies, the cartels that dominated them and the Dulles brothers Cold War strategic outlook are dominant factors in the deep politics underlying the life, and death, of Park Won-soon.